AMID THE euphoria of election night every word from Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard and Maxine McKew was cheered to the rafters. Rudd's acceptance speech was no exception. But if we know one thing already about the new prime minister, it is that every word is weighed and measured.Among the thanks and the platitudes, Rudd set out to make some important points.

The speech gives more than a few pointers to how Labor will behave in office.

"I want to publicly recognise Mr Howard's extensive contribution to public service in Australia."

These words went much further than the usual courtesy. They indicated that Rudd sees himself building on Howard's legacy, rather than erasing it.

Rudd knows that the core of his voting base loathes Howard. By praising him, Rudd was doing two things - putting his supporters on notice to lower expectations and sending a message to business that he represents a safe pair of hands.

Former British Labour prime minister Tony Blair invited Margaret Thatcher - the hardline neo-liberal Conservative leader of the 1980s - around to his official residence for tea.

While Rudd may not be putting on the jug for Howard in the near future, he wants to reassure the business sector.

It was a point he made again later in the speech:

"I will always govern in the national interest. And my door will always be open to men and women of goodwill who want to participate in making our country even greater in the future".Rudd made it clear before the election that the unions could expect no special favours. So who then are these "men and women of goodwill"?

It is very likely that they are industry and finance leaders, chief executives and the like.

In practice, this is what is always meant by the 'national interest'.

The concept of the nation appears to bind us all together. But while economic �reform� is hailed as in the national interest, pay rises are not.

The 1998 attack on the Maritime Union was justified by the �national interest�, but the picket lines that defended the union were not.

Invading Iraq alongside George W Bush is deemed to be in the national interest, but building an anti-war movement is not.

The national interest is what advances the interests of our rulers.

I want to put aside the old battles of the past, the old battles between business and unions, the old battles between growth and the environment, the old and tired battles between Federal and State, the old battles between public and private.

Rudd was attempting to sound reasonable, middle of the road. But the battles between business and unions are real: the product of business' drive to increase profitability and hold down the share of production going to workers in wages.

Dismissing the 'old battle' is code for retaining the bulk of WorkChoices, not least the clauses that make union organising difficult and striking complicated.

Balancing growth and the environment sounds similarly reasonable. But in Rudd's world, this means pursuing the furphy of 'clean coal', exporting greater amounts of uranium, and continuing to pour billions into road-building programs.

We already know what Labor means by putting aside the battle between public and private.

In NSW, the Iemma government is planning to privatise the Sydney Harbour ferries and electricity distribution.

In Victoria, the Brumby government is moving beyond using public-private partnerships to build tollways and railway stations to their introduction in schools.

This guarantees poorer outcomes as businesses have to pay more to borrow capital and have to factor in their profits.

Of course, Rudd also wanted to reassure his supporters.

And through all this to make sure we keep our economy strong but make sure it delivers for working families as well� I will be a prime minister for all Australians. A prime minister for Indigenous Australians; Australians who have been born here; and Australians who have come here from afar.

Where Howard promised in 1996 to govern �for all of us�, marking an end to supposed special privileges for Indigenous Australians and other minorities, Rudd was prepared to give a nod towards social justice and multiculturalism�without, of course, using the terms.

And he made special mention of asbestos campaigner Bernie Banton, noting that "you have been supported in your fight by the great Australian trade union movement".

But there was no mention of abolishing WorkChoices or of restoring to unionists the rights that make it possible for us to fight for justice, as Bernie Banton did.

While the ACTU's Your Rights at Work campaign and the mass mobilisations by workers that helped lift Labor into a winning position went unremarked, Rudd was keen, however, to talk directly to others.

"I extend our greetings tonight to our great friend and ally, the United States".

This statement was designed to send a signal, both domestically and overseas, that a Rudd government would continue to be a fervent supporter of US interests.

We already know that Rudd is bringing some troops back from Iraq only after consulting the US. And he has signalled a willingness to send more soldiers to Afghanistan.

By mentioning 'our great friend and ally' in his acceptance speech, while failing to note a single concrete commitment to the workers who had just elected him, Rudd was confirming his conservatism.

By David Glanz