NICOLAS SARKOZY'S victory in the recent French presidential election was greeted positively by business and political leaders who see it as an opportunity for France to "modernise" and to unblock the process of neo-liberal reform in the European Union (EU), which has stalled since France voted against the EU constitution in the 2005 referendum.But how did a member of such an unpopular government, under the discredited presidency of Jacques Chirac, manage to defeat the left in a country that has seen so many radical movements emerge over the past few years?

Part of the answer lies with Sarkozy himself, who won control of the right wing UMP party machine from Jacques Chirac and proclaimed himself the champion of "rupture".

This meant a break with the retreats and compromises of the right, which has consistently failed to win lasting victories against the labour movement.

"I want to put an end to repentance," he announced on election night, "which is a form of self-hatred."

In contrast to Sarkozy's decisive leadership, the Socialist candidate Ségolène Royal failed to galvanise the widespread opposition to Sarkozy into a dynamic movement capable of seizing the initiative from him.

Her overtures to the centre-right politician François Bayrou disoriented her supporters, most of who do not want an alliance with the moderate right.

Despite the failure of Royal's strategy, leading figures within the Socialist Party will now push for closer links with the centre-right.

This election is a turning point, if only because for the first time in three decades a member of an outgoing government has won an election.

Sarkozy has understood that in a polarised political environment, decisive solutions can win support.

He will now attempt to push through his pro-business, law and order program of tax cuts for the rich, attacks on workers and repression of immigrants.

He plans to get a version of the neo-liberal EU constitution adopted by parliament.

He is set to take on the unions with plans to scrap the 35-hour week by lifting restrictions on overtime, making it easier for workers to be sacked and restricting strike action.

Sarkozy also plans to introduce a ministry of "immigration and national identity" which will fix quotas on the numbers of immigrants to France, and decide who among them has "a vocation" to become French.

Repeat offenders will be subject to a policy of "three strikes and you're out" and the unemployed will be denied benefits if they turn down more than two jobs for which they are qualified.

He is a tougher opponent than his predecessors, but he also knows that his strategy is high risk.

In 2005, as interior minister, his attempt to take on the population of France's impoverished suburbs led to a three week urban uprising.

The last three governments of the Right were all defeated by powerful movements against neo-liberalism.

Sarkozy is not interested in simply implementing a programme of reactionary measures. He wants to win decisive political victories over these movements.

The Socialist Party's accommodation with the market makes his task easier.

It places great responsibility on the diverse but significant forces of the radical left-who won a combined vote of well over three million in the first round of the presidential elections-to give coherent political expression to the movement whose resistance has exerted such an influence over the past decade.

By Jim Wolfreys
Socialist Worker UK